Suchergebnisse

AbstractIncarcerated juveniles are a largely invisible population in the United States. Research into training schools and other juvenile correctional facilities has uncovered a sordid history of good intentions and bad practices. Juvenile correctional facilities are generally considered a less harmful environment for serious delinquents than adult prisons but a much more severe sanction than alternative community programs or treatment would be. Studies have shown that juveniles in confinement face similar deprivation and many of the same pains of imprisonment (Sykes 1958) as adult prisoners, but the more pressing threat to adolescent inmates may be to their psychological selves rather than their physical being. New research on adolescent brain development is garnering attention and sparking questions about the culpability and punishment of juvenile offenders, even as public opinion research suggests that there is fairly widespread support for rehabilitation and a social‐welfare oriented juvenile justice system. By listening and giving voice to incarcerated youth and their "keepers," investigating the conditions of confinement, and continuing to evaluate programs and outcomes, researchers are positioned to play a key role in the future of juvenile justice and juvenile correctional facilities.

The article aims to provide an extended reflection on Michael Howard's (former Leader of the British Conservative Party) 2005 pre-election speech on immigra- tion, in order to expose the violence and ethical corruption embedded within the political discourse and policies of immigration in Britain and elsewhere. It does so by referring to the work of Jean-Luc Nancy regarding figures of immanentism which, in the case of immigration control, function through the will to absolute separation, technicism and the notion of mythical collective identity. As a response to this problem of immanentism, the ethico-political thinking of Levinas and Derrida is invoked in an attempt to stress upon the necessity of a politics of generosity founded on ethical hospitality and total exposure to alterity rather than self-enclosure and fear of otherness.

This international, edited collection brings together personal accounts from researchers working in and on conflict and explores the roles of emotion, violence, uncertainty, identity and positionality within the process of doing research, as well as the complexity of methodological choices. It highlights the researchers' own subjectivity and presents a nuanced view of conflict research that goes beyond the 'messiness' inherent in the process of research in and on violence. It addresses the uncomfortable spaces of conflict research, the potential for violence of research itself and the need for deeper reflection on these issues. This powerful book opens up spaces for new conversations about the realities of conflict research. These critical self-reflections and honest accounts provide important insights for any scholar or practitioner working in similar environments.

This case study presents the research process to assess the effectiveness of a nuisance rental property ordinance. The effectiveness of the ordinance was largely determined by examining pre- and post-ordinance data in the form of reported crime with an interrupted time series design. Five years of pre-ordinance data were examined against 5years of post-ordinance data (1999-2009). The internal validity of the results was strengthened using a non-equivalent dependent variable, which was crime outside of rentals and not intended to be impacted by the ordinance. The ordinance and subsequent expectations of rental property managers are supported by the concept of third party policing. The research findings showed that the ordinance was highly effective in reducing crime and disorder in nuisance rental properties.

Background We are sometimes forced to use the Interrupted Time Series (ITS) design as an identification strategy for potential policy change, such as when we only have a single treated unit and cannot obtain comparable controls. For example, with recent county- and state-wide criminal justice reform efforts, where judicial bodies have changed bail setting practices for everyone in their jurisdiction in order to reduce rates of pre-trial detention while maintaining court order and public safety, we have no natural and available comparison group other than the past. Objectives In these contexts, it is imperative to model pre-policy trends with a light touch, allowing for structures such as autoregressive departures from any pre-existing trend, in order to accurately and realistically assess the uncertainty of our projections. We aim to provide a methodological approach rooted in commonly understood and used modeling tools to achieve this. Research Design We quantify uncertainty with simulation, generating a distribution of plausible counterfactual trajectories to compare to the observed; this approach naturally allows for incorporating seasonality and other time-varying covariates, and provides confidence intervals along with point estimates for the potential impacts of policy change. Results We find simulation provides a natural framework to capture and show uncertainty in the ITS designs. It also allows for easy extensions such as nonparametric smoothing in order to handle multiple post-policy time points.

The `trade promotes peace' hypothesis rests upon three premises: (1) Societies achieve salient economic gains from their trading relationships; (2) serious conflict among societies disrupts trade; and (3) premises 1 and 2 enter the calculus of political decisionmakers. If any one of the three premises does not hold, the liberal linkage between trade and peace is broken. In a recent analysis of seven non-major power dyads, Katherine Barbieri & Jack Levy raise doubts about the second premise upon which the liberal hypothesis rests. In this article, we further test the trade disruption premise. We use an interrupted time-series model to study the impact of war on trade for 14 major power dyads. We find reasonably strong evidence that major power war is associated with a decline in trade relative to pre- and postwar periods. We also investigate the impact of war on trade for 13 non-major power dyads. Here the evidence is weaker but on balance remains supportive of the trade disruption premise.

Ziel der Untersuchung war es zu überprüfen, inwieweit die realen Sequenzmuster von Erwerbsbedarf bei heute etwa 60jährigen Frauen in Übereinstimmung mit dem von Myrdal/Klein postulierten Drei-Phasen-Modell zu bringen sind bzw. welche anderen Ablaufmuster sich eventuell herausgebildet haben. Um die Bedeutung der Erstausbildung herausarbeiten zu können, wurden Frauen befragt (auswertbares Sample: 220 Frauen), die nach Kriegsende eine Lehrausbildung in fünf überwiegend auch heute noch von Frauen häufig gewählten Berufen durchlaufen hatten. Dabei geht es nicht nur um den Wechsel von Erwerbs- und Familienarbeit sondern auch um die jeweilige Art der ausgeübten Erwerbstätigkeit (im erlernten Beruf oder berufsfremd, sozialversicherungspflichtig oder nicht) sowie um das Ausmaß von Dequalifizierung nach Berufswechsel. Die Ergebnisse werden analysiert vor dem Hintergrund von Arbeitsmarkt- und Arbeitszeitbedingungen, von Sozialisationsprozessen bzw. -voraussetzungen in den einzelnen Berufen. Es zeigt sich, daß zwar durch familiäre Ereignisse bestimmte Abfolgemuster nicht erkennbar sind, daß es aber bestimmte berufstypische Verläufe in den weiblichen Biographien gibt. Durch die Wahl ihres Erstberufs haben die Frauen sich sehr unterschiedliche Karriereressourcen bezüglich der Verwertbarkeit der Erstqualifikation über den weiteren Lebenslauf eingehandelt. (IAB)

AbstractCities in the global South are often considered to be in the midst of infrastructural breakdown, and characterized as either lacking networked services or as suffering from ongoing disruption and sometimes failure. This article focuses on the electricity network of Accra to examine the series of socio‐natural processes that produce this ongoing disruption and to explore the power relations of networked systems in the city. It focuses on the production of disruption through the analytical lens of urban political ecology, in order to show how such a framework can be utilized to interrogate energy geographies. The article begins by describing what happens when the lights go out and the flow of electricity is interrupted across Accra in order to connect a series of socio‐natural processes that contribute to the ongoing network disruption and interruption. The article establishes the effect of historical infrastructural governance, greenhouse gas emissions, flows of international capital, water and drought in northern Ghana, as well as urban sprawl, slum urbanism and rising energy demand in the city, to illustrate the fundamentally unequal and politicized socio‐natures of these disrupted infrastructural processes.